Working Papers
Academic Year 2004-2005
All 2004-2005 papers are available (as .pdfs) and searchable
at the IES e-Scholarship
Repository of the California Digital Library.
- Drew Keeling, (April 11, 2005) Repeat Migration between
Europe and the United States, 1870-1914
- Andreas Resch, (April 1,
2005) Phases
of Competition Policy in Europe
- Giovanni Peri, (March 4, 2005) Skills
and Talent of Immigrants: A Comparison between the European Union
and the United States
- Carmela Pérez Bernárdez, (February
1, 2005) Some
Comments Concerning the Advisory Opinion of the International Court
of Justice
on the Construction
of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory: The Performance of the European
Union
- Michael Halderman and Michael Nelson, (October 20, 2004) The
EU’s CAP, the Doha Round and Developing Countries
- Sukkoo Kim, (September 20, 2004) Industrialization
and Urbanization: Did the Steam Engine Contribute to the Growth of Cities in
the United States?
- Kalypso Aude Nicolaïdis and Dimitri Nicolaïdis,
(June 18, 2004)
The
EuroMed
beyond Civilisational Paradigms
- Federica Bicchi (June
12, 2004) The European Origins
of Euro-Mediterranean
Practices
- Richard Gillespie (May 30, 2004) A
Political Agenda for Region-building? The EMP and Democracy Promotion
in North Africa
- Metin Heper (May 16, 2004) Turkey “between
East and West”
- Fulvio Attinà, (May 8, 2004) The
Building of Regional
Security Partnership
and the Security Culture Divide in the Mediterranean Region
- Afred
Tovias,
(May 4, 2004) Economic
Liberalism between
Theory and Practice
- Stephen C. Calleya, (April 24, 2004) The
Euro-Med Partnership and Sub Regionalism:
A Case of Region Building?
- Joel Peters, (April 2, 2004) Practices
and their Failures: Arab-Israeli Relations and the Barcelona
Process
-
-
- P. Louise Johnson (March 5, 2004) Women Writing on Physical
Culture in Pre-Civil War Catalonia
-
Repeat Migration between Europe and the United States,
1870-1914
Drew Keeling, PhD Candidate, Dept. of History,
UC-Berkeley
April
11, 2005
Repeat migration between Europe and the United States during the
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was more frequent,
widely spread, intricate, and significant than has been appreciated
in previous scholarship on the period. What before 1870 had been
overwhelmingly a set of “once-and-for-all” moves to
the U.S, became, by 1914, a process dominated by sequential and
repeatable relocations. Increasingly “circular” transatlantic
migration developed as a rational response by migrant networks
seeking to diversify the risks of remote, uncertain, and increasingly
temporary employment across multiple individuals making multiple
crossings.
Phases of Competition Policy in Europe
Andreas
Resch, Vienna
University of Economics and Business Administration
April
1, 2005
In
the process of globalization, international convergence of
competition legislation has steadily gained importance. Yet,
specific aspects of European history gave capital markets,
corporate governance and competition policies a special flavor.
Historically grown peculiarities have to be taken into account
when it comes to evaluate actual policy decisions.
In
this paper the focus is on four phases of European competition
policy. Prior to World War I banks gained a strong position
thanks to block holdings, proxy votes, and a high degree of
capital intermediation. Closed market structures prevail to
our days. The interwar period was characterized by attempts
to overcome the economic disintegration by international cartels.
This experience influenced post World War II institutions like
the European Community for Coal and Steel. After 1945, attempts
by the U.S. to provide for a strict antitrust regime in Western
Europe had very limited success. Yet, from the late 1950s on,
the EEC saw strict competition policy as a vehicle for market
integration. While during the 1970s and 1980s in the U.S. antitrust
was counterbalanced by efficiency considerations, in Europe
a policy aiming for competitive structures gained weight.
Those
who plead for convergence between European and U.S. competition
policies should, however, be aware of the fact that due to
closed markets and regional protectionism in Europe antitrust
laws need to play a more important role to provide for an efficient
economic system.
Skills
and Talent of Immigrants: A Comparison between the European
Union and the United States
Giovanni Peri, Economics Department, University of
California, Davis and International Institute, University of
California, Los Angeles
March 4, 2005
The nineties has been a period of increasing migratory flows
from less developed countries to industrialized nations. It
is instructive to compare the two largest economies in the
world, the European Union and the United States, in terms of
the magnitude, trends and composition of their migratory inflows.
While the two economies are similar in terms of size and level
of development, the European Union still lags behind in its
ability to attract immigrants and in the degree of internal
mobility of its citizens. Moreover we document a general feature
that became more prominent during the nineties. While both
economies attracted less educated workers (primary school graduates)
as well as highly educated workers (college graduates) from
less developed countries, the United States have been able
to attract “talent” ( i.e. the best among the skilled
workers) from all over the world at a rate unmatched by the
European Union. In fact the U.S. attracted a large number of
talents from the European Union itself during the nineties.
This “brain drain” (probably driven by the large
economic reward granted by the American economy to scientific,
technological and professional talent) is worrisome for the
European Union. Its ability to keep pace with the economic
growth of the United States depends, in fact, on its ability
to compete in the scientific and technological fields.
Some
Comments Concerning the Advisory Opinion of the International
Court of Justice on the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied
Palestinian Territory: The Performance of the European
Union
Carmela Pérez Bernárdez
Profesora
Doctora de Derecho Internacional Público, Facultad de Derecho, Universidad
Complutense de Madrid
February 1, 2005
On December 8th, 2003, the United Nations General Assembly
adopted a resolution to submit the question concerning the
legality of Israel’s construction of a wall in the
Occupied Palestinian Territory to the International Court
of Justice
for an advisory opinion. The Court accepted, and thus entered
into the Israeli-Palestinian conflict - one of the most far-reaching,
difficult, and delicate disputes that the international community
has faced. The purpose of this paper is two-fold. First,
it analyzes the most relevant issues in the Wall case related
to jurisdiction and merits. Second, it considers the position
of the European Union in terms of the Middle East conflict,
and specifically, concerning this advisory opinion.
The
EU’s CAP, the Doha Round
and Developing Countries
Michael Halderman, Independent Consultant, Berkeley; and Michael
Nelson, Political Science Doctoral Candidate, University of California,
Berkeley
October 20, 2004
This study analyzes the political economy of European Union policy-making
in regard to EU trade in beef and dairy with developing countries.
The way the EU
makes its agriculture and trade policies involves three levels: the EU member
state, the EU itself, and the international trading system. The study also
considers a fourth "level," developing countries, that is affected by EU policy-making.
We present criticism from various sources concerning negative international effects
of EU agriculture and trade policies. Recognizing the great range of trade-related
interests among developing countries, the study analyzes relevant issues of four
categories of such countries. EU trade and agriculture policy is strongly influenced
by international factors, particularly by multilateral trade negotiations. Change
in relevant EU agriculture and trade policy affecting developing countries has
been part of or directly linked to - and in the future will require additional
reform of - the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). Recent reform
of the CAP has been affected by and linked to the current Doha Round of multilateral
trade negotiations conducted under the auspices of the WTO.
The
European Origins
of Euro-Mediterranean
Practices
Federica Bicchi, CIRCaP - Centre for the
Analysis of Political Change, University of Siena
June 12, 2004
Federica Bicchi compares the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership
with previous efforts of the EU to address the southern Mediterranean.
The paper focuses on the main practices by which the EC/EU
has pursued its aim of region building in the Mediterranean.
First, by examining the making of the Global Mediterranean
Policy the paper analyses how the concept of a "Mediterranean
region" came to be enshrined in European external relations.
Second, it describes the multilateral institutional setting
created by the EMP. Third, the paper shows how the agenda of
the EMP has changed since 1995. Bicchi then analyzes the origins
of these practices, as well as their pros and cons , arguing
that EMP practices strictly relate to EC/EU internal practices,
more so than to OSCE core principles. She warns that ‘downloading’ from
EU cooperation history with little adaptation might miss the
point in diversified and fragmented Southern Mediterranean
societies.
A
Political Agenda for Region-building? The EMP and Democracy
Promotion in North Africa
Richard Gillespie, Director of the School
of Politics and Communications Studies, University of Liverpool
May 30, 2004
Richard Gillespie concentrates on the promotion of democracy
as one of the instruments of Euro-Mediterranean region building
in the framework of the EMP. In particular, this paper assesses
the record of the EU’s democracy promotion in North Africa.
Gillespie emphasizes the obstacles, and the causes for hesitation
within the EU to an effective promotion of democracy. He further
examines the set-backs in light of post-Barcelona international
events, such as the breakdown of the Middle East peace process,
9/11, the Iraq war, and the eastern enlargement of the EU.
Gillespie argues that, in spite of constraints, the EMP could
still prove to be a valuable framework for the promotion of
democracy in the long run. This is especially the case if the
EU will act as democracy promoter in a more energetic manner
than hitherto, and if local developments in North Africa actually
help place democracy more firmly on the political agenda.
Turkey “between
East
and West”
Metin Heper, Chairperson, Department of Political Science and Public
Administration, and Director of Center of Turkish Politics and History, Bilkent
University, Ankara
May 16, 2004
Metin Heper discusses the formation of Turkey’s identity,
which came to encompass both an "Eastern" and a "Western" (or
European) dimension. Against this background, Heper discusses
three main issues within the politics of Turkey that have remained
problematic from the perspective of the EU: Islam in politics,
nationalism and the consideration of Turkey’s ethnic
minorities, and the political role of the military. Based on
the "identity history" of Turkey, Heper puts forward
some suggestions about how the alleged divide between East
and West, and Islam and Europe, may be bridged. The paper concludes
by exploring the possibility that an intellectual departure
from the concept of a "shared civilization" towards
the idea of "sharing a civilization" may contribute
to the construction of a Euro-Mediterranean region.
The
Building of Regional Security Partnership and the Security
Culture Divide in the Mediterranean Region
Fulvio Attinà, University of Catania
May 8, 2004
Fulvio Attinà examines the concept of "regional
security partnership" both theoretically and in the context
of Euro-Mediterranean region-building. He argues that this
partnership is an intermediate venture on the road to the possible
appearance of a Euro-Mediterranean security community. By discussing
the difficulties of negotiating a security partnership in the
framework of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, Attinà highlights
the security culture divide on both sides of Mediterranean.
The differences in the security culture between European and
Arab states have deepened in recent years in view of regional
and global developments, constituting a major obstacle to the
implementation of a security partnership. Attinà argues,
however, that the interaction between the two shores of the
Mediterranean in coping with globalization-driven problems
may prevail over the factors that have led to a deepening of
the security culture divide in recent years.
Industrialization
and Urbanization: Did the Steam Engine Contribute to the Growth of
Cities in the United States?
Sukkoo Kim, Washington University in St. Louis and
NBER
September 20, 2004
Industrialization and urbanization are seen as twin processes of economic development.
However, the exact nature of their causal relationship is still open to considerable
debate. This paper uses firm-level data from the manuscripts of the decennial
censuses between 1850 and 1880 to examine whether the adoption of the steam engine
as the primary power source by manufacturers during industrialization contributed
to urbanization. While the data indicate that steam-powered firms were more likely
to locate in urban areas than water-powered firms, the adoption of the steam
engine did not contribute substantially to urbanization.
The EuroMed beyond Civilisational
Paradigms
Kalypso Aude Nicolaïdis, University
Lecturer in International Relations, University of Oxford,
and Dimitri
Nicolaïdis,
Université de Paris-I, Sorbonne
June 18, 2004
Nicolaïdis and Nicolaïdis ask in this concluding
paper: Why has a project with such auspicious beginnings, such
worthy intentions failed to develop peace-making practices,
increasingly exhibited inconsistencies and dilemmas, and proven
unable to provide a framework for the negotiation of a security
partnership? Authors of the other papers in this series give
numerous clues to the contradictions that have characterized
the Barcelona Process since its inception and the current challenges
facing it. Above all, instead of seeing structural realities – the
economic, political, social, cultural gap between Europe and
the Arab world – progressively addressed through EMP
institutions, geopolitical realities and developments have
intruded to heighten these gaps and asymmetries. Moreover,
Europe’s self-perception as a regional power increasingly
colludes with its effort to protect itself against the fundamentalist
threat under the growing political sway of right wing politics.
The Arab regimes’ continued objective to avoid social-political
destabilisation through external legitimacy while minimizing
structural reform has generally been abated; and the necessity
for all actors to take into account the growing presence of
the US, its actions, initiatives and representations in the
post 9/11 era, have further marginalized the EMP.
Economic Liberalism between Theory and
Practice
Afred Tovias, Department of International
Relations, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
May 4, 2004
Alfred Tovias argues that the EU’s efforts to promote
economic liberalization in the southern Mediterranean rely
on the principles and instruments of economic liberalism within
the so-called "second basket" of the Euro-Mediterranean
Partnership. This paper focuses on the contradictions between
the EMP’s underpinning principle of economic liberalism,
upheld by the EU on a theoretical and declaratory level, and
both the methods suggested to achieve this principle and the
EU’s conduct of the economic dimension of the EMP in
practice. The author argues that the EMP's economic component
cannot attain its own declared objectives, namely the stabilization
and growth of Arab Mediterranean economies. This is because
the EMP’s economic strategies do not lead to real economic
integration of southern Mediterranean states into the European
economy. In the absence of reforms of the EMP's economic tools,
the author is dubious of their success. The full implementation
of the Euro-Mediterranean free trade agreements will be the
acid test of the economic rationale of the EMP and its initiators.
The Euro-Med Partnership and Sub Regionalism: A Case of Region
Building?
Stephen C. Calleya, Deputy Director and Senior Lecturer of International Relations
at the Mediterranean Academy of Diplomatic Studies, University of Malta
April 24, 2004
Stephen Calleya focuses on sub-regionalism as a tool of region building within
the EMP. This paper’s main concern is the question of whether, in view
of the present EMP difficulties, subdividing the southern Mediterranean into
various sub-regions (such as the Maghreb and the Mashreq) may be an efficient
tool of region building. By taking account of regional relations among southern
Mediterranean states and sub-regional initiatives, Calleya discusses several
options and conditions under which sub-regionalism within the EMP could contribute
to Euro-Mediterranean region building. Calleya argues that if the EU is serious
about having a significant positive impact on regional integration in the Mediterranean
in the short term, it is necessary to develop an adequate strategy for supporting
more directly all regional sub-groupings in the southern Mediterranean.
Practices and their Failures: Arab-Israeli Relations and the
Barcelona Process
Joel Peters, Deparment of Politics and Government, Ben Gurion
University of the Negev
April 2, 2004
Joel Peters focuses on the failed peace-making practices of
the Middle East multilateral track process launched at Madrid
in 1991. He thus uses the dynamics within Arab-Israeli relations
to inform an assessment of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership.
Peters shows that conflicts of interests and rivalries among
the participating parties emerged as soon as the multilateral
peace talks moved from the discussion of ideas to the stage
where decisions on the actual implementation of cooperation
projects had to be reached. Thus, the demise of the multilateral
talks and the subsequent slowdown in the Israeli-Palestinian
peace process were underway before the launching of the EMP.
The failure of developing peace-making practices within the
multilateral Arab-Israeli peace talks inevitably spilled over
to the EMP from the outset.
Normative Power: The
European Practice of Region Building and the Case of the
Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP)
Emanuel Adler, University of Toronto and Hebrew University
of Jerusalem
Beverly Crawford, University of California, Berkeley
April 1,
2004
This paper lays out a normative approach to the study of
power in International Relations. This approach emphasizes
the
role of cooperative security practices, region building,
and pluralistic integration in order to achieve peaceful
change. The paper discusses the challenges to cooperative
security practices in the Euro-Med process, a process
that aims to promote the construction of a Mediterranean “region” of
stability and peace. In order to understand what lies behind
the EU's use of use of these practices, this paper suggests
that they represent the application of “normative power” (Manners
2002: 240) in international relations. The practice of
normative power differs significantly from a traditional
understanding
of the use of power in international relations. The paper
assess the potential this concept of normative power
to promote a shared sense of security in, and peoples'
regional
identification
with, spaces and socially constructed regions that transcend
the cultural and civilization borders of the Mediterranean
region.
Political
Securitisation and Democratisation in the Maghreb: Ambiguous
Discourses and Fine-tuning Practices for a Security Partnership
Said Haddadi, London
March 23, 2004
Said Haddadi examines the interaction between security and
democracy discourses and their mutually affecting relationship
within the framework of the political and security basket of
the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. In this context, Haddadi
places special emphasis on the role that institutions and practices
within the EMP may play in contributing to the convergence
of security and democracy views between the EU and North Africa.
Against this background, this paper assesses the main arguments
that underlie the political and security partnership within
the EMP. The focus is on the process that led to the EU’s ‘securitization’ of
the Maghreb, that is, the EU’s prioritization of security
concerns relating to North Africa. Haddadi's analysis of the
interaction between security and democracy discourses in the
EU and in North Africa points to a number of inconsistencies
and dilemmas that are not sufficiently addressed by the institutions
and practices of the EMP.
Women Writing on Physical Culture in Pre-Civil War
Catalonia
P. Louise Johnson, University of Sheffield
March
5, 2004
Anna Maria Martínez-Sagi is a largely forgotten but
immensely evocative voice in the liberal-progressive press
of nineteen-thirties’ Spain. In particular, she is remarkable
for being one of very few female writers of the time who were
also active sportswomen, as well as being fiercely Catalanist
and pro-women, in an inclusive sense. This article looks at
her contribution to the debate on physical culture in Catalonia
at the time, with reference to other writers concerned with
the subject, and aims to capture in some small way the energy
and humour which characterized her columns and reports.
Mare Nostrum? The Sources, Logic, and Dilemmas of the Euro-Mediterranean
Partnership
Etel Solingen, University of California, Irvine and Saba
Senses Ozyurt, University of California, Irvine
March 2, 2004
Etel Solingen and Saba Senses Ozyurt emphasize institutions
and socialization within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership.
The paper begins with an analysis of the theoretical foundations
of the institutional theory that underlies the "triple
logic" of the EMP, that is, economic reforms, democratization,
and regional multilateralism, and elaborates on specific arguments
on which each pillar of the "triple logic" rests.
Subsequently they use Turkey as a case study in order to analyze
the "triple logic" at work, paying attention to both
the role of institutions and the effects of socialization.
By exploring the difficulties of the triple logic in the case
of Turkey, a state that might be expected to provide an "easy
case" for Euro-Mediterranean cooperation, Solingen and
Senses Osyurt point out a number of intrinsic dilemmas within
the "triple logic" on which the future of Euro-Mediterranean
region building will hinge.
