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Working Papers
Academic Year 2003-2004
- Jasminka Sohinger: Transforming
Competitiveness in European Transition Economies: The Role of
Foreign Direct Investment
- Elliot Posner: Copying
the Nasdaq Stock Market in Europe: Supranational Politics and
the Convergence-Divergence Debate
- P. Louise Johnson, Women Writing on Physical Culture in Pre-Civil
War Catalonia
- Geraldine C. Nichols, Reproducción,
familia y futuro: cuatro denuncias en clave femenina
- Alicia Goicoechea Redondo, La
Interminable Posguerra: La Escritura De Enriqueta Antolin En
Los Años Noventa
- Emilie L. Bergmann, Mothers and
Daughters in Transition and Beyond
- Nicole Altamirano, Out of the Glass
Niche and into the Swimming Pool: the Transformation of the Sirena
figure in Concha Méndez’s Surtidor: Poesías
- Sara Brenneis, La batalla de la
educación: Historical Memory in Josefina Aldecoa’s
Trilogy
- Kathleen M. Glenn, Discourse
of Silence in Alcanfor and "Te deix, amor, la mar com a
penyora"
- Alda Blanco, Desde
la pared de vidrio hasta la otra orilla: El exilio de María
Martínez Sierra
- Jo Labanyi,
Romancing the early Franco regime:
the novelas
románticas of
Concha Linares-Becerra and Luisa-María Linares
- Manfred Röber and Eckhard
Schröter: Governing the
Capital -- Comparing Institutional Reform in Berlin, London,
and Paris
- Eckhard Schröter: How
Many Third Ways? Comparing the British, French and German Left
in Government
- Jackson Janes, From
Alliances to Ambivalence: The Search for a Transatlantic Agenda
In the 21st Century
- Niall Ferguson: Europe
between Brussels and Byzantium: Some Thoughts on European Integration
- Barry Eichengreen: The
Accession Economies' Rocky Road to the Euro
- Barry Eichengreen: Institutions
for Fiscal Stability (Revised)
- Kathleen R. McNamara: Making
Money: Political Development, the Greenback, and the Euro
- Constantin Goschler, The
Politics of Restitution for Nazi Victims in Germany West and
East (1945 – 2000)
- Barry Eichengreen: The
Euro Through a Glass Darkly
- Renate Holub: Europe’s Identity
and Islams
Transforming
Competitiveness in European Transition Economies: The Role of Foreign Direct
Investment (96kb .pdf file)
Jasminka Sohinger, Institute of European Studies
Visiting Scholar, University of California, Berkeley
May 29, 2004
Foreign direct investment (FDI) has become one of the main drivers of globalization
and integration of the European transition economies into the world economy,
especially the European Union. Its growth enhancing capacity has played a significant
role in transforming their competitiveness, both locally and on international
markets, and its propensity to stimulate institution buliding is changing both
economic and political landscapes in the region. The economic conditionality
of FDI and the EU access-driven reforms are working hand in hand in helping the
goals of transition and the convergence process. The achievement of both goals
is seen as the best guarantor of peace and security in the region.
Copying
the Nasdaq Stock Market in Europe: Supranational Politics and the Convergence-Divergence
Debate (The paper has been published and is no longer
available here.)
Elliot Posner, Department of Political Science & Elliott
School of International Affairs, The George Washington University
April 2004
Financial arrangements reflect political bargains. Like national labor regimes,
the formal and informal rules and relationships governing the allocation of financial
resources distinguish one type of capitalist society from another. How firms
are financed shapes companies and industries and affects the risks citizens must
bear, how they save for retirement, where they work, their job security and ability
to buy homes, and the disparity between rich and poor. Leading theories provide
increasingly inadequate explanations for changing institutional arrangements
in western European finance. They emphasize convergence to global standards and
the causal effects of either increased levels of mobile capital or the diffusion
of ideas. Or else they describe change within a national trajectory and attribute
it primarily to domestic politics, national historical institutions and path
dependency. They exclude the possibility of independent regional-level causes.
My empirical study of changing financial arrangements for smaller European companies
between 1977 and 2003 reveals causes rooted firmly in European Union politics.
Neither global forces nor national institutions were primarily responsible for
drawing the stock exchanges of Europe into cross-border competition and prompting
them to create new US-style markets. Instead, supranational political entrepreneurs,
acting with relative autonomy, largely drove this pattern of institutional change.
In pushing beyond the international-domestic dichotomy and emphasizing the independent
effects of European-level politics, my argument contributes to a growing body
of detailed empirical research on the national and global impact of the EU. It
also provides more sustained analysis of the causes, mechanisms and effects of
adopting US institutional forms outside American borders.
Women
Writing on Physical Culture in Pre-Civil
War Catalonia (51kb .pdf file)
P. Louise Johnson, University of Sheffield, UK
March 5, 2004
Anna Maria Martínez-Sagi is a largely forgotten but immensely evocative
voice in the liberal-progressive press of nineteen-thirties’ Spain. In
particular, she is remarkable for being one of very few female writers of the
time who were also active sportswomen, as well as being fiercely Catalanist
and pro-women, in an inclusive sense. This article looks at her contribution
to the debate on physical culture in Catalonia at the time, with reference
to other writers concerned with the subject, and aims to capture in some small
way the energy
and humour which characterized her columns and reports.
Reproducción,
familia y futuro: cuatro denuncias en clave femenina (48kb .pdf file) Paper
is in Spanish.
Geraldine C. Nichols, University of Florida
March 5, 2004
This article analyzes the representation of biological reproduction
in four literary texts: “La infanticida” (1898) by Caterina Albert y Paradís; “El
honor de la familia” (1911) by Carmen de Burgos; “Divendres 8 de
juny” (1946) by Mercè Rodoreda; and Memòries d’un futur
bàrbar (1975) by Montserrat Julió. The works span the twentieth
century but present a remarkably similar vision of childbearing in a society
depicted as unjust and antivital.
La
Interminable Posguerra: La Escritura De Enriqueta Antolin En Los Años
Noventa (40kb .pdf file)
Alicia Goicoechea Redondo, Universidad Complutense
de Madrid
March 5, 2004
This paper seeks to explain why the Civil War and the post-war period are dominant
themes in the Spanish novels published in the 90s. Those of Enriqueta Antolin
are not unique, for the theme of the post-war appears regularly in the works
of both men and women authors. The paper draws on historians and analyzes a short
story and four novels of Antolin to reveal her literary art and find an historical
explanation for the persistent obsession with this theme.
Mothers
and Daughters in Transition and Beyond (38kb .pdf file)
Emilie L. Bergmann, University of California, Berkeley
March 5, 2004
With Spain’s political changes, including the enfranchisement of women,
in the late 1970s, and feminist theories that challenged stereotypical views
of motherhood, Spanish women writers began to create more varied depictions.
This essay briefly discusses the work of Montserrat Roig, Esther Tusquets, Ana
Maria Moix, Nuria Amat, and Maria Mercè Roca, but its focus is on two
writers’ inscription of motherhood in terms of autonomy and mutual dependency:
Carmen Martín Gaite’s creation of maternal ‘interlocutors,’ and
Soledad Puértolas’s memoir, Con mi madre (2001) in which she writes
with extraordinary honesty of the closeness and the silences she shared with
her mother.
Out
of the Glass Niche and into the Swimming Pool: the Transformation of the Sirena
figure in Concha Méndez’s Surtidor: Poesías (27kb
.pdf file)
Nicole Altamirano, University of California, Berkeley
March 5, 2004
The present study is an exploration of revisionist mythmaking in
Concha Méndez’s
Surtidor: poesías (1928), specifically of the Generation of 27 poet’s
appropriation and inscription of the androcentric myth of the siren/mermaid into
female discourse, as seen through three poems: "Nadadora," "Natación," and "Bar".
Through an analysis of these poems I show that Méndez dismantles the conventional "sirena" figure
and revises her to suit a modern woman. In her appropriation of the "sirena," Méndez
replaces the antiquated siren/mermaid of masculine hegemonic discourse with an
athletic, capable, and liberated water woman who decides her own destiny. In
presenting a woman who frees herself from the restrictions of male subjectivity,
Concha Méndez proposes an alternative model for female iconography --
a siren singing a song rarely listened to, a song of feminine freedom and self-determination
that would set the poet apart from her contemporaries for many years.
La
batalla de la educación: Historical Memory in Josefina Aldecoa’s
Trilogy (28kb .pdf file)
Sara Brenneis, University of California, Berkeley
March 5, 2004
Josefina Aldecoa intertwines history, collective memory and individual
testimony in her historical memory trilogy: Historia de una maestra,
Mujeres de negro and La fuerza del destino. In the series, Gabriela
and her daughter Juana navigate through the Second Republic, the
Spanish Civil War, the Spanish postwar and exile, and Spain after
the death of Franco. Through the central theme of education, Aldecoa
is able to express her own personal experiences of contemporary
Spain alongside a generation’s collective experiences. In this way, individual
testimony and collective memory are fused through representations of education
in Aldecoa’s trilogy.
Discourse
of Silence in Alcanfor and "Te deix, amor, la mar com a penyora" (31kb
.pdf file)
Kathleen M. Glenn, Wake Forest University
March 5, 2004
Contemporary Spanish literature abounds in narratives where silence
has an important function. In the fiction of Cristina Fernández Cubas it has epistemological
implications. Mercè Rodoreda and Maria Barbal employ a rhetoric of silence
to call attention to the situation of women who are obliged to remain silent
and suffer without protest. Carme Riera and Dulce Chacón utilize silences,
and acts of breaking silence, to emphasize the lack of voice of marginal beings
and to highlight sexual, socioeconomic and political inequalities. In the present
paper, I focus on the role of silence in a novel by Barbal and a story by Riera.
Desde
la pared de vidrio hasta la otra orilla: El exilio de María Martínez
Sierra (52kb .pdf file)
Alda Blanco, Universidad de Wisconsin-Madison
March 5, 2004
El exilio ha ocupado un importante espacio en el imaginario poético desde
los estoicos , pero sólo desde hace unos quince o veinte años se
ha reconocido como uno de los grandes fenómenos sociales y demográficos
del siglo XX, resultado de las muchas guerras que han sistemáticamente
desplazado a millones de seres humanos, y para Edward Said, que sufrió el
destierro en carne propia hasta su muerte hace no mucho tiempo, el exilio es "strangely
compelling to think about but terrible to experience" en cuanto que supone "the
unhealable rift forced between a human being and a native place, between the
self and its true home: its essential sadness can never be surmounted" (173).
Palabras que pueden aplicarse perfectamente al exilio Republicano de 1939 que
hasta hace poco ha ocupado casi exclusivamente la memoria de los refugiados que
salieron de España al finalizar la guerra.
Romancing the early Franco regime:
the novelas románticas of Concha Linares-Becerra
and Luisa-María Linares (.pdf file) Jo Labanyi,
Professor of Spanish and Cultural Studies, University of Southampton, UK
March 5, 2004
This paper considers works of romance fiction produced between
1933 and 1943 by two prolific writers, both with Nationalist sympathies,
whose works sold widely (and can still be purchased today), attracting
numerous film adaptations. It explores the ways in which their
romances illustrate a conservative modernity, through their choice
of upwardly mobile, active female protagonists and through their
plots driven by change and speed. The paper also examines the self-reflexive
dimensions of these romances, arguing that we should not assume
that self-reflexivity is the prerogative of high culture. Particular
stress is based on the repeated plotlines based on fraudulent marriages
which blossom into ‘true love’. The paper concludes
that, although these novels in no way reflect the reality of their
time, at a structural level their stress on spatial dislocation,
chance, and impersonation speaks to the popular imaginary in two
periods – the Second Republic and the early Franco regime – characterized
by personal and political upheaval.
Governing
the Capital -- Comparing Institutional Reform in Berlin, London, and Paris (114kb
.pdf file)
Manfred Röber, Professor, Fachhochschule
für
Technik und Wirtschaft Berlin, University of Applied Sciences
Eckhard Schröter, Visiting Associate Professor,
Department of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley
February 1, 2004
The paper examines institutional changes in the political and
administrative structures governing the cities of Berlin, London
and Paris. In doing so, it analyzes the extent to which convergent
trends – driven by forces related
to increased international competition and European integration – have
shaped recent reforms of the governance systems of these European capital
cities.
In particular, the analysis focuses on the vertical dimension
of centralization vs. decentralization as reflected in the
power balance between city-wide authorities and lower-tiers
of government (such as Bezirke, boroughs or arrondissements).
In view of the two-tier system of government, there are many
clear lines of comparison between the sample cities. Traditionally,
however, in each case government reform has followed conspicuously
different routes. While Paris represents a classical example
of a centralized-unitary city government, London’s system of government – despite
the recently installed Greater London Authority – illustrates vividly a
pluralistic and borough-centered approach. On the spectrum between these polar
ends, Berlin’s variant of urban governance appears to take a middle position
featuring both a well-established city-wide government and a relatively autonomous – and
recently strengthened – level of district authorities.
The sample cities also capture and encapsulate three distinct national and urban
administrative cultures which are expected to be significant factors in shaping
institutional developments by defining a corridor of path-dependent reform trajectories.
How
Many Third Ways? Comparing the British, French and German Left in Government (83kb
.pdf file)
Eckhard Schröter, Visiting Associate Professor,
Department of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley
February 1, 2004
In the late 1990s, the European Left seemed to be once more in
the ascendancy with Social Democratic-led governments in power
in the majority of EU countries, including the United Kingdom,
France, and Germany. At the same time, the debate about the so-called ‘Third Way’ — as an icon of the apparent
electoral revitalization of European Social Democracy — rose to become
the most important reform discourse in the European party landscape.
In Germany, the much heralded ‘Neue Mitte’ reform agenda of Gerhard
Schroeder’s incoming new cabinet of 1998 owed obvious intellectual debt
to the Blairite doctrine of the Third Way. Against this background, some observers
claim to have identified a convergent trend within European Social Democracy,
while others stress the importance of national contexts and point to distinct
national profiles ranging from market-oriented New Labour to (what used to be)
statist ‘Jospinism’. In this context, this paper seeks to set the
policy agenda of Germany’s Red-Green government into a comparative
European perspective.
From
Alliances to Ambivalence: The Search for a Transatlantic Agenda In the 21st
Century (40kb
.pdf file)
Jackson Janes, Director, American Institute for Contemporary
German Studies
November 3, 2003
During the Cold War, European-American relations were often marked
by differences over tactics, but we did share for the most part
a strategic goal that was to be achieved on the basis of the
twin principles of deterrence and détente.
Yet there are some that would argue that this past year has been different; that
the transatlantic rift goes deeper and will last longer. If the Americans and
Europeans cannot find common ground in certain regulatory areas, it may be that
we will agree to disagree on the use of GMO’s, technological standards,
or Anti-trust legislation. This could lead to more competition but also to duplication
in an increasingly interwoven global market. Yet, because we face a vastly more
complicated environment today than during previous years — full of threats
and opportunities — it will remain a challenge for the coming decade
to strategize as to how transatlantic political policy problems can best
be dealt with.
Europe
between Brussels and Byzantium: Some Thoughts on European Integration (165kb
.pdf file)
Niall Ferguson, Herzog Professor of Financial History,
Stern School of Business, New York University; Senior Research Fellow,
Jesus College, Oxford
November 1, 2003
There is, in theory, a plausible role for the European Union
as the partner of a militarily assertive United States: the peacekeeper
that follows in the wake of the peacemaker. The war in Iraq,
however, has raised the possibility of a diametrically different
role for Europe: as a potential imperial rival to the United
States. There is no need to invoke the memory of either Rome
or Byzantium to make the case that Europe is capable of spoiling
America’s unipolar
party. The successful conclusion of accession agreements with ten new member
countries – not to mention the sustained appreciation of the euro against
the dollar since Kennedy’s article appeared – have seemingly
vindicated this analysis. So too, in the eyes of some commentators, has
the vociferous and not wholly ineffectual opposition of at least some E.U.
member states to American policy in Iraq. If the U.S. has an imperial rival
today, then the E.U. appears to be it.
The
Accession Economies' Rocky Road
to the Euro (51kb .pdf file)
Barry Eichengreen, George C. Pardee and Helen N. Pardee Professor
of Economics and Political Science at UC Berkeley
November 2003
Now that the decision has been taken to admit to the European
Union eight of what were once called the transition economies,
attention has naturally turned to whether these countries should
also join Europe’s monetary union. But
where is a consensus that joining the EU, while posing certain difficulties,
will be a source of net benefits, there is no such consensus about the
adoption of the euro. In part this uncertainty reflects the unusual
difficulty that monetary economists have in translating theory
into policy. We specialists, in other words, cannot even agree
amongst ourselves.
In this lecture I suggest that this uncertainty is unwarranted. Adopting the
euro is clearly superior to the other monetary options available to the new EU
members. These countries are right to be committed to joining Euroland as soon
as possible. And the incumbent members of the euro area should be happy to have
them. To be sure, enlarging the monetary union will pose difficulties for both
the incumbents and the new members. But these are minor compared to the difficulties
that will arise under other scenarios. From this point of view, it is regrettable
that the incumbents appear to be placing unnecessary obstacles in the path of
the aspirants.
Institutions
for Fiscal Stability (1,016kb .pdf file)
Barry Eichengreen, George C. Pardee and Helen N. Pardee
Professor of Economics and Political Science at UC Berkeley
Revised, October 2003
This paper reviews the controversy over Europe’s Stability and Growth Pact
and offers a proposal for its reform. It argues that Europe would be best served
by focusing on the fundamental causes of unsustainable debts -- public enterprises
that are too big to fail, unfunded public pension schemes that are too big to
ignore, inefficient and costly labor market and social welfare problems, and
budget making institutions that create common pool and free-rider problems --
rather than on arbitrary numerical indicators like whether the budget deficit
is above or below 3 per cent of GDP. It proposes defining an index of institutional
reform with, say, a point each for reform of budget making arrangements, reform
of public pension schemes, and reform of labor markets and unemployment insurance.
Countries receiving three points would be exempt from the Pact’s
numerical guidelines, since there is no reason to think that they will
be prone to chronic deficits. The others, whose weak institutions render
them susceptible to chronic deficits, would in contrast still be subject
to its warnings, sanctions and fines.
Making
Money: Political Development, the Greenback, and the Euro (80kb .pdf
file)
Kathleen R. McNamara, Associate Professor, Department
of Government & School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University
Revised February 2004, October 2003
The creation of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) in Europe challenges much of
what we have come to take for granted about states and the components of sovereignty.
What does the willingness of twelve European Union (EU) members to abandon their
own currencies mean for the nation-states of Europe? Does the Euro automatically
imply further political development at the EU level? To address these questions,
this paper parses out the role that national currencies play in statebuilding
with reference to the nineteenth century American experience. Just as US federal
authorities engaged in a political project to wrest control over money from subnational
authorities to the center and unify the currency, so have the dynamics of currency
unification in the EU involved important conflicts over the location of the legitimate
exercise of control and rule. In particular, I highlight the role of war and
market integration in prompting currency consolidation, and the importance of
linkages between money and fiscal capacity for statebuilding, and apply the analytical
lessons learned from the US experience to the case of the Euro.
The
Politics of Restitution for Nazi Victims in Germany West and East (1945 – 2000) (50kb
.pdf file)
Constantin Goschler, Privatdozent at Humboldt-University
and currently teaching
at Friedrich-Schiller-University, Jena
September 25, 2003
On first sight, a comparison between restitution for Nazi victims in Germany
West and East does not seem to leave ample space for interpretation: While the
Federal Republic at least in principle accepted their obligation to compensate
former Nazi victims and paid huge amounts for that purpose over the last 50 years,
the GDR only offered elaborated social security for the tiny faction of Nazi
victims who decided to live in the GDR after 1949. As a consequence, while restitution
in the West has been a predominantly Jewish affair, restitution in the East was
chiefly a communist matter. However, in my talk I will not focus on a comparison
of material payments. Rather, I am interested in the different structure of the
answers of two German societies to the same problem: the persecution and killing
of millions of people by the Nazi regime. This implies three sets of questions.
First: On which perception of the events between 1933 and 1945 were the respective
attempts at rehabilitation and compensation for Nazi victims in the two German
societies based? Second: What relation between former Nazi victims and German
post war societies underpinned the respective attempts at restitution? And third:
What consequences did German reunification have for this process?
The
Euro Through a Glass Darkly (45kb
.pdf file)
Barry Eichengreen, George C. Pardee and Helen N. Pardee Professor
of Economics and Political Science at UC Berkeley
September 2003
On January 1st, Europe’s monetary union will celebrate its fifth anniversary.
Congratulations are not exactly pouring in. For going on two years, growth in
the countries of the Euro Area has been significantly slower than in the United
States. Unemployment over much of the continent remains disturbingly high. The
single currency has not been a tonic for Europe’s stagnant economy. To
the contrary, numerous critics complain, the advent of the euro has only compounded
Europe’s economic problems. This paper provides a review and analysis
of the debate.
Europe’s
Identity and Islams (63kb
.pdf file)
Renate Holub, Professor, Director, Interdisciplinary Studies, University
of California, Berkeley
August 30, 2003
Until the break-up of the Soviet Union, dominant intellectual
and educational cultures in Europe worked primarily with national
concepts. In the twentieth century, nationalist ideologies
have, of course, lost some of their glamour due to the impact
of two disastrous world wars. But while leading European intellectuals
over the past 50 years developed a research program that transcended
the national spirit, they nonetheless remained bound by the
concept of “modernity,” which
comprises the concept of the modern nation state and the modern
nation state system. Steeped in this cultural unconscious,
Europe has neglected the systematic study of alternative modernities
and alternative systems of governmentality -- including systems
of democratic governmentality in the internet age -- especially
as these alternative modernities relate to the influx of Muslim
populations.
Key conceptual relations:
modernity and violence; intellectuals north-south; ontology of peace
and ontology of violence; modern
modes of knowledge organization and alternative modes of knowledge
organization; history of jurisprudence 1500-1700 and inversion
of rights; principle of rights and principle of the mind/soul;
anthropological principal of the human capacity for justice; ontology
of violence and modern philosophy; ontology of violence and modern
social sciences; right to the right to knowledge on global peace
and disciplinary censorship.
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