Institute of Governmental Studies Scholars and Their Colleagues Ask:
Are We Witnessing New Forms of Democracy?
Patrick Egan, Institute of Governmental Studies
Initiatives and referendums. Party primaries.
Freedom of information laws. In the past quarter century, the industrialized
democracies have seen an unprecedented expansion of citizen involvement in
political decision making. At the same time, participation in traditional
forms of politics--particularly voting in elections and interest in political
parties and campaigns--has reached historic lows in the U.S. and
Europe.
Are we witnessing the creation of "new forms of democracy"--away from
representative democracy toward direct democracy? Or are these changes merely
window-dressing? IGS scholars are collaborating with colleagues around the world
to examine these crucial questions in a project cosponsored by the Rockefeller
Foundation, the UC Irvine Center for the Study of Democracy, Berkeley's Institute
for European Studies, and IGS. The initiative is led by IGS Director Bruce Cain,
UC Irvine's Russell Dalton, and Susan Scarrow of the University of Houston. The
three are editing a volume that will examine the "new forms of democracy" and
explore whether real change is occurring.
"The past quarter century has seen two concurrent trends with major potential
consequences for Western democracies: decreased interest and participation in the
institutions of representative democracy and a groundswell of demand for
institutional reforms to expand citizen involvement in political decision-making,"
writes Dalton in the book's introductory chapter. "This project asks whether
contemporary changes are really transforming the foundations of the democratic
process, or whether these alterations are accommodating popular pressures without
altering the basic nature of representative democracy. Is the potential for reform
truly being realized, and if so, what are the broader implications for the nature
and practice of democracy?"
The volume is the result of a series of workshops, the most recent in May when
participants met at IGS to discuss the opening up of parties to electoral
participation; electoral reforms that increase parties' access to ballots and public
financing; the rise of nonpartisan elections; participatory democracy at the local
scale; and the injection of courts into the political process.
UC Berkeley and IGS discussants included political scientists Henry Brady, Giuseppe
di Palma, and Austin Ranney, visiting professor Eckhard Schroeter (most recently of
Humboldt University-Berlin) and visiting scholar Yoon-Soo Jung, on leave from South
Korea's Myongji University.
In September, the final stage of the "New Forms of Democracy" project will unfold
at the Bellagio Study and Conference Center on Lake Como in Italy. The Center is
located in a historic villa operated by the Rockefeller Foundation as a retreat for
scholars meeting on topics of international significance. There, participants will
convene to discuss completed drafts of papers and finalize their work for
publication.
In a chapter entitled "Political Parties and the Rhetoric and Realities of
Democratization," Miki Caul Kittilson of the University of Texas-San Antonio and
Susan E. Scarrow of the University of Houston examine the rhetoric of democratization
invoked by political parties in their campaign documents, their constitutions that
govern internal operations, and the ways they select candidates. Over the past 40
years, parties throughout the Western democracies have shifted their rhetoric and
rules to statements that more favorably mention citizen involvement and procedures
that are more representative and open to participation.
In "Changing Party Access to Politics," Shaun Bowler of UC Riverside, and Elisabeth
Carter and David M. Farrell of the University of Manchester, using a comprehensive
analysis of changes to election laws in OECD countries over the past 40 years, find
that laws have changed significantly concerning ballot access, party access to the
media, and state subsidization of political parties and campaigns. The result of the
changes is mixed: the changes create a more liberal environment for all political
parties, and hypothetically make it easier for new political actors to enter the
system. However, the laws also channel resources to established parties, benefiting
them disproportionately compared to smaller parties.
In her chapter on "Non-Party Elections," Susan Scarrow investigates changes in the
extent to which political parties occupy central mediating roles in the electoral
procedures of contemporary democracies, and asks whether we see any increase in the
degree to which electoral institutions permit or even require citizens to make choices
without, or in addition to, the choice of party label. She finds limited but
unmistakable institutional change in the direction of "unmediated democracy"--
at the local and national levels-- through movement toward constitutional and
legislative referendums and direct election of executives at the national and
subnational levels.
Berkeley's Chris Ansell and Jane Gingrich observe, in their chapter entitled "The
Administrative Revolution: Populist Reforms of the Administrative State," that calls
for reform in the electoral arena have been paralleled by demands for direct democracy
in the administrative realm. Many of the facets of this "administrative revolution"
--including its contradictory impulses--can be understood through the lens
of populism. Ansell and Gingrich distinguish between two different versions of
populism--market populism and democratic populism. Market populism
is associated broadly with deregulation, privatization, and other attempts to
reorganize the state's monopoly over certain kinds of services and functions.
Democratic populists seek to guarantee popular sovereignty by ensuring strict
democratic accountability and by keeping the democratic process open and transparent.
They use these concepts to examine the reform of public administration and the
overarching structure of the state in OECD countries.
In "Knowledge is Power," Bruce Cain and Patrick Egan of UC Berkeley and Sergio
Fabbrini of the University of Trento note that the call for political reform in Western
democracies has been accompanied by passage of freedom of information laws in almost
all OECD countries, the great majority of them enacted in the past 20 years. They
examine the institutional and political characteristics that lead to passage and offer
case studies to analyze how citizens use the laws. In some nations, freedom of
information laws appear to leave the deference traditionally granted to bureaucratic
authority unaltered.
In "Opening Up the Bureaucracy Through Culture Governance," Henrik P. Bang of the
University of Copenhagen identifies a phenomena he calls culture governance,
which he uses to describe the challenge faced by hypermodern political systems to
enable more and more organizations, individuals, and communities to engage in their
rule, transforming or reforming their identities and conducts so that they become
amenable to this rule. He writes that most of the calls for political reform in
Europe, for example, "EU Good Governance" or "The Third Way," are examples of culture
governance.
Under culture governance, authority is hierarchical, bureaucratic, communicative,
and negotiable. Political parties must be able to combine concerns for government and
governance, and public projects involving civil society and citizens must be connected
with a politics of presence.
In recent decades, note Rachel Cichowski of the University of Washington and Alec Stone
Sweet of UC Irvine and Oxford in their chapter, "University Participation,
Representative Democracy, and the Courts," the authority of courts to review the acts of
public authorities--including legislatures, executives, and administrative
agencies--has deepened in established democracies and spread to new ones,
sustaining important debates about the democratic legitimacy of judicial power.
Scholars, lawyers, and judges routinely produce elaborate justifications for judicial
review, arguments that are just as regularly countered by opponents in the academy, at
the bar, or on the bench.